Many events provoked the beginning of the Iraq War, also known as Operation Iraqi Freedom. The conflict began on March 20, 2003 when the United States led an invasion of Iraq, based on an arguably misperceived threat of danger.
At the time, the main argument for pursuing the war was that Iraq allegedly possessed and was developing weapons of mass destruction capabilities. This would have been a direct violation of a 1991 agreement, made after the Gulf War, to give the weapons up and allow for frequent
U.N. inspections. However, the U.N. Security Council
opposed the war and contested the WMD claims. In 2002, Iraq agreed to new inspections that yielded no discovery of weapons of mass destruction.
THE WAR PROPAGANDA
At the beginning of the war on terror, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), which at the time was headed by George Tenet, was prominent counsel for the Bush Administration. However, when Tenet met with President George W. Bush and insisted that there was no standing relationship between Iraq and Al-Qaeda, Vice President Dick Cheney and Secretary of State Donald Rumsfeld began a new program to re-examine the evidence while purposely distancing the CIA and Tenet. The evidence procured by this new program, which many consider to be questionable, was often fed directly to Cheney who sometimes “leaked” the information to news outlets such as The New York Times. Cheney would then discuss the intelligence citing the news organization as the original source to give it credibility.
Later came the claims that Iraq was attempting to purchase yellowcake Uranium from Niger. In February of 2002, the CIA sent former Ambassador Joseph Wilson to investigated these claims. When Wilson returned, he informed the CIA that these reports were “unequivocally wrong.” The Bush Administration took little heed of this report and continued to mention the yellowcake threat through January of 2003, at which time President Bush mentioned the allegation in his State of the Union address. This provoked Wilson to write a highly critical op-ed that was published in The New York Times in June of 2003. The article explained that the CIA had investigated the yellowcake claims and determined that they were false. Shortly after the piece was published the name of Wilson’s wife, who happened to be undercover CIA analyst Valerie Plame, was leaked to the public in a column by Robert Novak. An investigation into the source of the leak led to the conviction of Irving Lewis “Scooter” Libby, Dick Cheney’s Chief of Staff at the Time, on charges of perjury. The source of the leak turned out to be
Richard Armitage who was never charged.
In September of 2002, the Bush Administration pointed to attempts by Iraq to obtain thousands of high-strength aluminum cylinders as evidence of a uranium enrichment program. The CIA and Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) supported this claim. The DOE, which is the only department in the United States government with expertise on gas centrifuges in nuclear weapons programs, and the Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR) opposed the claim. In light of this point of view, the DOE attempted to change parts of a speech that Colin Powell would later give to the United Nation’s Security Council regarding the aluminum tubes. The Bush Administration denied the change, even though the
Institute For Science and International Security also reported that it was unlikely that the tubes were being used for uranium enrichment.
BEHIND CLOSED DOORS
October of 2002 brought about a vote in the United States Senate on the Joint Resolution to Authorize the Use of United States Armed Forces in Iraq. However, before the vote could take place, 77 senators were
secretly informed that Saddam Hussein was able to unleash biological weapons on the United State’s eastern seaboard with unmanned aerial vehicles. The resolution was subsequently passed.
On February 5, 2003, Colin Powell reiterated the claim to the U.N. Security Council, claiming that the UAVs were ready to be launched against the United States. The U.S. Airforce, the State Department’s Bureau of Investigations, and the DIA all denied this claim. They believed that all of the UAVs possessed by Iraq were for reconnaissance, not offensive purposes.
In March of 2003 U.N. weapons inspector Hans Blix said that progress had been made through inspections and he wished that they could continue. He also stated that, “No evidence of proscribed activities have so far been found.” On the other side of the coin, the Bush Administration announced that “diplomacy had failed and it would proceed with the “coalition of the willing” to rid Iraq of the alleged weapons of mass destruction.
THE INVASION
“Operation Iraqi Freedom” began on March 20, 2003 and was led by General Tommy Franks. The United States, United Kingdom, Australia, and approximately forty other nations dubbed the “coalition of the willing”, participated in the assault. The initial coalition military forces totaled around 300,000. During the initial phase of the invasion the Iraqi Army was quickly overwhelmed, leaving only the Fedayeen Saddam putting up a strong fight before eventually disappearing into the civilian population. On April 9 Baghdad was seized by U.S. troops who took control of the Baath Party ministries and toppled a huge iron statue of Saddam Hussein. The fall of Baghdad lead to looting of government buildings and a drastic increase in crime.
Between March 20 and April 30, 9,200 Iraqi combatants and 7,299 civilians were killed. 140 U.S. and 33 U.K. military personnel died in the initial battle.

ADuran The above map illustrates the battles fought in the Iraq War as of 2007 and is based on military data.
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"MISSION ACCOMPLISHED"
On May 1, 2003, the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln was on its way home from a long deployment that included service in the Persian Gulf. President Bush visited the carrier, which was operating a few miles off the coast of San Diego, California, on that day to give his now famous “Mission Accomplished” speech. The nationally televised speech was delivered at sunset in front of sailors and airmen on the flight deck.
Bush declared victory in Iraq based on the fact that the Iraqi army had been defeated. Saddam Hussein, however, was yet to be captured and there was still ongoing violence in Iraq.
Even though Iraq’s conventional army had been defeated, there were still problems facing U.S. and coalition troops. The number of attacks on military personnel, for instance, began to gradually increase, especially in the “Sunni Triangle” (Illustrated in the figure above as a red shaded triangle). Also, in the wake of the chaos of the initial invasion, there was massive looting of banks, residences, military depots, and government buildings. In fact, according to the Pentagon 650,000 tons of ordnance was looted, which has provided a significant source of ammunition for the insurgency. In the beginning, the resistance came mostly from Saddam and Baath Party loyalists, but that quickly changed as religious extremists and Iraqis angered by the occupation began to contribute to the
insurgency.
Operation Red Dawn led to the capture of Saddam Hussein on December 13, 2003. He was found hiding in what is often described as a “spider-hole” on a farm near Tikrit. Hussein was later convicted of crimes against humanity by the Iraqi Special Tribunal and was executed by hanging on December 30, 2006.
CIVIL WAR AND INSURGENCY
Many people describe the current situation in Iraq as resembling a
civil war. In fact, the 2007 National Intelligence Estimate describes the conflict between Sunni and Shi’a Muslims in the country as having elements of a civil war. Popular opinion in the United States agrees; two polls suggest that between 65% and 85% of Americans believe that Iraq is in a civil war.
Sunni and Shi’ite Muslims make up approximately 97% of the population of Iraq. Of the total population between 60% and 65% are Shi’ite Muslims and between 32% and 37% are Sunni Muslims. As for the ethnic makeup, most of the Shi’ite Muslims are Arab, while only about half of the Sunni Muslims are Arab, the rest are generally Kurds. The Arab-Sunni faction and the Arab-Shi’ite faction cause most of the violence in Iraq, but conflicts within the groups have occurred. It is a possibility that if the United States were to pull out of Iraq that Iran would assist the Shiites and Saudi Arabia would support the Sunni minority.

NA The Ethno-Religious Make-up of Iraq
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Both sides of the insurgency have employed many violent tactics. There have been bombings, for instance, aimed at civilian targets such as mosques and marketplaces in Shi’ite cities. An example of this can be seen in the November 23, 2006 bombing of Sadr City that killed at least 215 people and injured hundreds more. Suicide bombings have also been used as weapons, primarily by Sunni militants and al-Qaeda extremists.
Improvised explosive devices have been against both civilian targets and Iraqi police stations that are mostly Shi’ite ran. The Shi’ite faction often employs “death squads” who will sometimes kidnap and torture their victims. In some cases, this torture is as extreme as drilling holes in the victim’s feet.
They have also resorted to execution-style-killings that sometimes included public decapitations. Sometimes, the grizzly executions are videotaped and distributed through the public as a form of propaganda. The death squads sometimes contain members of the Iraqi Security Forces who use the Sunni killings as a form of vengeance against the Sunni insurgency attacks. Attacks on civilian targets began in August of 2003 and have continued to
increase since then.
THE 2007 US TROOP SURGE
In January of 2007, president George W. Bush
addressed the nation outlining a proposal that called for 21,500 more troops to Iraq. This proposal also included reconstruction programs and the total cost was estimated at $1.2 billion. When Bush was asked why he thought this plan would work ne
replied, "Because it has to." Somethings needed to
change, however, for the troop levels to be kept high. The first change to occur was increasing tours of duty for the soldiers. The military also relaxed restrictions on volunteers with criminal histories. The US troops were also stressed more by the continuing withdraw of British troops.
Sources are conflicted as to whether or not the surge has been successful in quailing violence and increasing security. During the first seven weeks of the surge, for instance, the rate of US troop deaths per day has nearly
doubled. The number of Iraq deaths also increased by
15% during the month of March, 2007. The number deaths of Iraqi troops and policemen also increased during that month while the number of insurgent deaths decreased. The number of arrests, however, increased by more than 3,000 over the previous month.
August of 2007 brought about the deadliest suicide-bombing of the entire conflict, which ended the lives of nearly 500 civilians. The co-ordinated attacks destroyed more than 100 homes and shops.
In
September, key US ally Abdul Sattar Abu Risha was killed in a Ramadi city bombing. Al-Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility for his murder. Risha was the leader of the "Anbar Awakening", s group of Sunnis that rose up against Al-Qaeda.
In November of 2008, it has been
reported that attacks in Iraq have dropped to the the level they were at in February of 2006.
INTO THE FUTURE
The top two candidates for the presidency of the United States both agree that there needs to be a US presence in the Middle East.

Photo courtesy Barack Obama Campaign Presidential candidate, Barack Obama
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Barack Obama calls for a "A Responsible, Phased Withdrawal" of the troops in Iraq saying that he "will give his Secretary of Defense and military commanders a new mission in Iraq: ending the war. The removal of our troops will be responsible and phased, directed by military commanders on the ground and done in consultation with the Iraqi government."
His campaign website also adds that "a residual force will remain in Iraq and in the region to conduct targeted counter-terrorism missions against al Qaeda in Iraq and to protect American diplomatic and civilian personnel. They will not build permanent bases in Iraq, but will continue efforts to train and support the Iraqi security forces as long as Iraqi leaders move toward political reconciliation and away from sectarianism." In a nutshell, most of the troops will get to leave, all of those except the residual forces, and they will not build any
new bases, but what about the gigantic bases that are already built and breeding discontent?
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John McCain is perhaps most famous for stating that the United States should stay in Iraq for one hundred years if it is necessary. His plan in Iraq stresses the importance of what he calls succeeding. His campaign
website proclaims that "He strongly disagrees with those who advocate withdrawing American troops before that has occurred." and that "It would be a grave mistake to leave before Al Qaeda in Iraq is defeated and before a competent, trained, and capable Iraqi security force is in place and operating effectively."
McCain has been a supporter of General Petraeus' troop surge and he believes that the strategy has paid off citing that "From June 2007 through March 2008, sectarian and ethnic violence in Iraq was reduced by 90 percent. Civilian deaths and deaths of coalition forces fell by 70 percent." There are other aspects to look at, however, when determining whether or not the surge has been successful. There is also the moral question of whether or not occupying a sovereign country is a just action for a military force to take.

Courtesy of Barr Campaign Website Libertarian Presidential Candidate Bob Barr
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Bob Barr, the Libertarian candidate for president, has said that the invasion of Iraq and the occupation have been to separate mistakes that have cost the US taxpayer billions of dollars. On his campaign
website he calls for a quicker withdraw of troops saying, "Unlike Republicans, who are calling for essentially permanent bases in Iraq, and Democrats, who have done nothing to counter Republican calls for an indefinite occupation, I would put in place plans for withdrawal without undue delay. While I support an exit from Iraq as quickly as possible, I would not publicly announce a timetable to our adversaries. However, as President, I would begin to immediately and significantly begin to reduce both the military and the economic security blanket we are providing the government."
Of course, like any politician, he uses vague language like "undue delay" that could be twisted to mean any amount of time. He also says that he will immediately begin to reduce troop presence, but by how much?
One thing does seems to ring clear from all of these politicians: No matter who is elected, the United States will always have some presence in Iraq and the Middle East.